How many other countries is WHO targeting for their special killing machine called tetanus vaccine? -
The World Health Organization (WHO) has been discovered in a criminal, secret mass sterilization effort in Kenya under the guise of administering shots to (only) women against tetanus. The Kenya Catholic Doctors Association has discovered an antigen in the tetanus vaccines that causes miscarriages in a vaccine that is being administered to 2.3 million girls and women by the World Health Organization and UNICEF. [1] It Isn’t the first time WHO has tried secret prenatal mass murder in developing countries.
Dr. Muhame Ngare, spokesman for the Catholic Doctors Association, from Mercy Medical Centre in Nairobi clarified, “We sent six samples from around Kenya to laboratories in South Africa. They tested positive for the HCG antigen. They were all laced with HCG. This proved right our worst fears; that this WHO campaign is not about eradicating neonatal tetanus but a well-coordinated forceful population control mass sterilization exercise using a proven fertility regulating vaccine. This evidence was presented to the Ministry of Health before the third round of immunization, but was ignored.” [2]
According to Ngare, the doctors became alarmed when they were informed by WHO and the Nigerian Health Ministry that this tetanus vaccine involved an unprecedented five shots over more than two years and was applied only to women of child-bearing years. He noted, “Usually we give a series three shots over two to three years, we give it anyone who comes into the clinic with an open wound, men, women or children. If this is intended to inoculate children in the womb, why give it to girls starting at 15 years? You cannot get married till you are 18. The usual way to vaccinate children is to wait till they are six weeks old.” [3]
The Kenyan Health Ministry claims the fact that vaccinated women became pregnant afterwards in several cases disproves the charges. Yet, as Ngare points out, “We knew that the last time this vaccination with five injections has been used was in Mexico in 1993 and Nicaragua and the Philippines in 1994,” said Dr. Ngare. “It didn’t cause miscarriages till three years later,” which is why, he added, the counterclaims that women who got the vaccination recently and then got pregnant are meaningless.[4] Notable is the fact that giving the vaccine to 15 year old girls is just three years before they legally can marry.
Mexico and Nicaragua earlier
The presence of HCG or Human Chorionic Gonadotropin in the Kenya tetanus vaccines being given only to women of child-bearing age is no minor thing. Since 1972 the Rockefeller Foundation has worked in secrecy with the WHO and various pharmaceutical companies to fund a WHO program in ‘reproductive health’ (sic). They developed an innovative tetanus vaccine.[5]
In the early 1990’s, according to a report from the Global Vaccine Institute, the WHO oversaw massive vaccination campaigns against tetanus in Nicaragua, Mexico and the Philippines. Comite Pro Vida de Mexico, a Roman Catholic lay organization, became suspicious of the motives behind the WHO program. When they tested numerous vials of the vaccine they, like in Kenya today, found they contained the same Human Chorionic Gonadotrophin, or HCG. They found that curious in a vaccine designed to protect people against lock-jaw arising from infection with rusty nail wounds or other contact with certain bacteria found in soil. Tetanus is also rather rare so why a mass vaccination campaign and of only women. [6]
HCG is a natural hormone needed to maintain a pregnancy. However, when combined with a tetanus toxoid carrier, it stimulated the formation of antibodies against HCG, rendering a woman incapable of maintaining a pregnancy, a form of concealed abortion. [7]
Investigation by Pro Fide uncovered the fact that the Rockefeller Foundation, working with John D.Rockefeller III’s Population Council, the World Bank, the UN Development Program, the FordFoundation, and others had been working with the WHO since the early 1970’s to develop an anti-fertility vaccine using HCG with tetanus as well as with other vaccines. [8]
LifeSiteNews, which first reported the Kenya scandal, obtained a UN report of an August 1992 meeting at its world headquarters in Geneva where a group of ten scientists from Australia, Europe, India and the USA together with ten “women’s health advocates” from around the world, met to discuss use of “fertility regulating vaccines.” That meeting described the “anti-Human Chorionic Gonadotropin vaccine” as the most advanced. [9] No doubt over the past 22 years that vaccine has become even more effective in aborting a conception.
Now Kenya
Now some twenty years after the WHO and Rockefeller Foundation and the others were exposed illegally giving anti-fertility tetanus vaccines to millions of women in Mexico, Nicaragua and The Philippines, they have tried by stealth to do the same in Kenya, perhaps believing the world has a short memory.
The WHO attempt to introduce their HCG tetanus vaccines in Kenya was tried in the early 1990’s but failed owing to the warning then by the Kenyan Catholic Doctors Association that caused the government to stop the program. This time, despite their warning, the current government chooses to ignore it for reasons not yet clear.
Ngare further notes the sinister manner the vaccines are being given: “Only a few operatives from the government are allowed to give it out. They come with a police escort. They take it away with them when they are finished. Why not leave it with the local medical staff to administer?” The Kenyan doctors association also says that evidence shows the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, one of the largest funders of vaccination in Africa, is also behind the WHO prenatal mass murder attempt in Kenya. [10]
As a result of the publicity by the Kenyan Catholic doctors, the health committee of Kenya’s National Assembly has ordered an independent inquiry into the Catholic Church’s claims. The larger question is how many other countries is WHO targeting for their special killing machine called tetanus vaccine? [11]
When it comes to racially lopsided arrests, the most remarkable thing about Ferguson, Mo., might be just how ordinary it is.
Police in Ferguson — which erupted into days of racially charged unrest after a white officer killed an unarmed black teen — arrest black people at a rate nearly three times higher than people of other races.
At least 1,581 other police departments across the USA arrest black people at rates even more skewed than in Ferguson, a USA TODAY analysis of arrest records shows. That includes departments in cities as large and diverse as Chicago and San Francisco and in the suburbs that encircle St. Louis, New York and Detroit.
Those disparities are easier to measure than they are to explain. They could be a reflection of biased policing; they could just as easily be a byproduct of the vast economic and educational gaps that persist across much of the USA — factors closely tied to crime rates. In other words, experts said, the fact that such disparities exist does little to explain their causes.
"That does not mean police are discriminating. But it does mean it's worth looking at. It means you might have a problem, and you need to pay attention," said University of Pittsburgh law professor David Harris, a leading expert on racial profiling.
Whatever the reasons, the results are the same: Blacks are far more likely to be arrested than any other racial group in the USA. In some places, dramatically so.
Arrest rates are lopsided almost everywhere. Only 173 of the 3,538 police departments USA TODAY examined arrested black people at a rate equal to or lower than other racial groups.
At least 70 departments scattered from Connecticut to California arrested black people at a rate 10 times higher than people who are not black, USA TODAY found.
"Something needs to be done about that," said Ezekiel Edwards, the head of the ACLU's Criminal Law Reform Project, which has raised concerns about such disparate arrest rates. "In 2014, we shouldn't continue to see this kind of staggering disparity wherever we look."
The unrest in Ferguson was stoked by mistrust among black residents who complained that the city's police department had singled them out for years. For example, every year, traffic stop data compiled by Missouri's attorney general showed Ferguson police stopped and searched black drivers at rates markedly higher than whites.
A grand jury is considering whether Officer Darren Wilson should face criminal charges for shooting a teen, Michael Brown. Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon declared a state of emergency Monday as authorities braced for more unrest after the grand jury's decision is announced.
Such tensions are not new. Nationwide, blacks are stopped, searched, arrested and imprisoned at rates higher than people of other races. USA TODAY's analysis, using arrests reported to the federal government in 2011 and 2012, found that those inequities are far wider in many cities across the country, from St. Louis to Atlanta to suburban Dearborn, Mich.
SUSPICION IN DEARBORN
A dozen people stood or slumped on benches before sunrise in Dearborn on a recent morning, waiting for officers to unlock the doors of the 19th District Court, where they had been summoned to answer traffic citations and petty criminal charges. Almost everyone who lives in Dearborn is white (including a large population of Arabs). Almost everyone waiting in the morning dim was black.
"You can see who's going in there. I guarantee they don't live here," Lawrence Wynn, who is black, said, looking at the line outside the courthouse door. Most days, Wynn said, he detours around Dearborn on his way home from his job at a suburban auto plant. It makes the journey half again as long, "but I'd rather do that than have to come through Dearborn at night."
He leaned in close. "I think they're targeting people."
Dearborn police officers and officials say that's not true. The city's police chief, Ronald Haddad, said the arrest rates are skewed because many of the people his officers arrest don't live in the city. They're picked up at the shopping mall, on their way to work or simply when they're driving through. Some are detained by private security officers before police ever arrive, meaning police would have no chance to single them out.
Haddad said it is unfair to measure his officers' work against the city's demographics. "We treat everyone the same," he said.
More than half of the people Dearborn police arrested in 2011 and 2012 were black, according to reports they submitted to the FBI. By comparison, about 4% of the city's residents are black, as are about a quarter of the people who live in Metropolitan Detroit. Over those two years, the department reported arresting 4,500 black people – 500 more than lived in the city. As a result, the arrest rate for blacks, compared with the city's population, was 26 times higher than for people of other races.
"There is a disparity. We feel like it's racial in a lot of cases," said Bryan Allen, who said he's planning to move his family out of neighboring Dearborn Heights as soon as his youngest daughter graduates from a Dearborn high school.
Allen and his wife, Shelly, said they have their own reasons to be mistrusting: Seven years ago, after Dearborn police shut down a party at a local banquet hall that got out of hand, officers brought their daughter and three other black teens to the police station. A white friend came with them because she had planned to ride home with the girls.
What happened next became the subject of a federal lawsuit: The girls charged that officers took the white teen to the lobby to call her parents but brought three of the black teens to the back of the station, where they were locked up and searched. When one of the girls asked why they were being brought in the back doors, one of the officers replied, "trash in and trash out," according to court records. None of the girls was charged with a crime. The suit was settled out of court.
LARGE GAPS, NO EASY ANSWERS
To measure the breadth of arrest disparities, USA TODAY examined data that police departments report to the FBI each year. For each agency, USA TODAY compared the number of black people arrested during 2011 and 2012 with the number who lived in the area the department protects. (The FBI tracks arrests by race; it does not track arrests of Hispanics.)
The review did not include thousands of smaller departments or agencies that serve areas with only a small black population. It also did not include police agencies in most parts of Alabama, Florida and Illinois because those states had not reported complete arrest data to the FBI.
The review showed:
• Blacks are more likely than others to be arrested in almost every city for almost every type of crime. Nationwide, black people are arrested at higher rates for crimes as serious as murder and assault, and as minor as loitering and marijuana possession.
• Arrest rates are particularly lopsided in some pockets of the country, including St. Louis' Missouri suburbs near Ferguson. In St. Louis County alone, more than two dozen police departments had arrest rates more lopsided than Ferguson's. In nearby Clayton, Mo., for example, only about 8% of residents are black, compared with about 57% of people the police arrested, according to the city's FBI reports. Clayton's police chief, Kevin Murphy, said in a prepared statement that "Ferguson has laid bare the fact that everyone in law enforcement needs to take a hard look at how we can better serve our communities and address any disparities that have existed in our departments for too long."
• Deep disparities show up even in progressive university towns. USA TODAY found police in Berkeley, Calif., and Madison, Wis., arrested black people at a rate more than nine times higher than members of other racial groups. Madison Police Chief Michael Koval said most of the arrests happen in the poorest sections of the city, which are disproportionately black, and where some residents have pleaded for even more police presence. Still, he said, "I think it would be remiss to suggest the police get out of this whole thing with a free pass. We have to constantly be doing the introspective look at who we are hiring and how we are training."
• Arrest rates are lopsided almost everywhere. Only 173 of the 3,538 police departments USA TODAY examined arrested black people at a rate equal to or lower than other racial groups.
Phillip Goff, president of the University of California Los Angeles' Center for Policing Equity, said such comparisons are "seductively misleading" because they say more about how racial inequities play out than about what causes them. Those disparities are closely tied to other social and economic inequities, he said, and like most things that involve race, they defy simple explanations.
"There is no doubt a significant degree of law enforcement bias that is the engine for this. But there's also no controversy that educational quality and employment discrimination lead to this," he said. "It's not an indicator of how big a problem there is with a police department. It's an aggregator of what's going on in the community."
Still, he said, "there's some level of disparity that is a warning sign."
Whatever the causes, Harris said such pronounced disparities have consequences. "Believe me, the people who are subject to this are noticing it and they're noticing it not just individually but as a group. It gets talked about, handed down, and it sows distrust of the whole system," he said.
'THEY WERE BEATING HIM UP'
In Dearborn, distrust was sown years ago.
Dearborn is the birthplace of the modern auto industry, a mostly white and Arab suburb snugged into the southwest corner of Detroit, the poorest and blackest of America's major cities. Its border was long a stark racial divide. Until 1978, the city was presided over by a mayor, Orville Hubbard, who said he favored segregation and boasted to newspapers that he would use the instruments of government to keep blacks from moving in. He had "Keep Dearborn Clean" emblazoned on the city's police cars.
"Our history is not always something we can be proud of. But we've learned from our mistakes," Haddad, Dearborn's police chief, said. "It's unfair that we have to keep fighting that ghost."
Dearborn today is different, he said. The police force has worked to build ties with the city's large community of Arab immigrants. Its officers have cameras in their cars and microphones on their uniforms. Soon, some will start wearing body cameras, too. Their use of force has plummeted in recent years, and so have civilian complaints.
Haddad said most of his department's arrests come after traffic stops on the city's busy arteries, or at the mall, one of the large shopping centers closest to Detroit. Many of the people his officers arrest live in Detroit – a city beset by poverty, violent crime and a faltering school system – and are passing through to work or shop.
Still, allegations of discrimination have persisted there for decades. The local NAACP branch accused Dearborn police of singling out blacks for traffic stops in 1997. Civil rights lawsuits – alleging excessive force and officers using racial epithets – have piled up, too, though the number of such complaints has fallen sharply in recent years.
"There's a lot of storied history, but I think a lot of that is either false or times have changed," said Gregg Algier, who retired from Dearborn's police department this summer after 22 years. "There's no one really getting targeted for their race."
But in suburban Detroit, there is also little doubt that blacks are far more likely to face arrest than people of other races. For example, police in Livonia, another Detroit suburb, arrested blacks at a rate 16 times higher than others. In neighboring Allen Park, it's 20 times higher.
"Our numbers are what our numbers are. Our officers aren't being told to look for any particular demographic. We come across what we come across," Allen Park Police Chief James Wilkewitz said. Allen Park has two interstate highways and a large retail complex not far from the edge of Detroit, and many of the people the city's police arrest live somewhere else.
In some ways, Dearborn has become an odd place to hear such complaints. Its police department won a civil rights award this year. Haddad is the state's first Arab-American police chief. And among the most significant lawsuits over policing there is a complaint that county sheriff's deputies didn't do enough to protect a group of white Christians who were protesting at an Arab festival in Dearborn.
Still, Haddad acknowledges the accumulated mistrust. "There are people who feel that way, and they have cause to feel that way," he said. "We shouldn't be defined by one bad episode."
Dearborn has a history of those, too.
On Father's Day in 2008, for example, two Dearborn officers arrested a diabetic man who had been pulled over by the side of a freeway. The man, Ernest Griglen, 59, was on disability from Detroit's school system after he hurt his ankle helping a special education student off the bus.
An Allen Park police officer stopped Griglen, who was black, after seeing him climb out of his car in the middle of the road. She wrote in a report that she thought he was upset; doctors later concluded he was having a diabetic episode, a sudden drop in blood sugar that relatives said could make him seem dazed or drunk.
Two Dearborn officers arrived moments later. One, Richard Michalski, wrote that officers were afraid Griglen might have a gun in his waistband, so they "guided him to the ground," and wrestled him into handcuffs. The gun turned out to be an insulin pump.
Witnesses remembered it differently. One, Yolanda Lipsey, testified in a deposition that the Dearborn officers threw Griglen to the ground and "just started hitting him, hitting him and kicking him. … They were beating him up."
When she saw her husband, Pam Griglen thought he had been in a car accident. "His clothes were all torn and dirty and looked scuffed. He had a large knot on his forehead, it was like the size of a golf ball, and he had what looked like boot prints on his face," she said. "I just couldn't believe it. And he said 'They beat me, Pam.'"
Griglen complained that his head hurt. Then he said he could not see. "That was the last time my husband spoke to me," Pam Griglen said. He spent the next 11 months in a coma and finally died in 2009. The medical examiner listed his cause of death as bleeding in his brain, caused by "blunt force head trauma."
Dearborn settled a lawsuit brought by Griglen's family. The department reprimanded both officers for turning in their use of force reports late. (Michalski later resigned after he was charged with assault and brandishing a firearm during an off-duty traffic incident. He declined to comment.)
"The Dearborn policemen seem like they're kind of a little rougher with the black community," Pam Griglen said. "My husband was a good man, a hard worker. He took care of his family. He had a diabetic episode and they thought the worst. Thought he was drunk. Thought he had a gun. Black man in a Cadillac. They thought the worst."
Jennifer Huculak, who lives in the Canadian province Saskatchewan, was six months pregnant when she flew to Hawaii to go on a vacation with her husband. But two days into her 2013 trip, her water unexpectedly broke; she spent the next six weeks on bed rest, and her daughter was delivered prematurely via an emergency C-section.
A year later, the Huculaks and their daughter are healthy and back at home. But they’re now facing medical bills that total $950,000 for the hospital care they received in the United States last fall. “It makes you sick to your stomach,” Huculak told CTV News. “Who can pay a million-dollar medical bill? Who can afford that?”
Although the couple purchased travel insurance from Blue Cross before their vacation, the insurance company says that Huculak’s previous pregnancy complications — she had a bladder infection when she was four months pregnant — amounted to a pre-existing condition, so her medical expenses won’t be covered. Blue Cross also maintains that the Huculaks’ plan expired while they were still in Hawaii.
Jennifer Huculak told CBC News that she’s frustrated with Blue Cross because she thought she did everything right. She had approval from her doctor to travel, and after her water broke, she tried to figure out how to return to Canada. But she couldn’t find amedical evacuation company that was willing to transport her home in her condition.
It’s not entirely uncommon for visitors to the U.S. to accrue big medical bills if they suffer from a health condition while they’re here. Travel insurance isn’t currently subject to all of the regulations under the Affordable Care Act — and the health reform law doesn’t apply to people who aren’t U.S. residents — so there can be confusion about how exactly these plans will work in practice. Other Canadian travelers have been stuck with hefty bills after unexpectedly suffering from kidney failure and struggling with high blood pressure while in the United States.
But bills for childbirth are particularly exorbitant. Giving birth in the United States costsmore than anywhere else in the world, even when the procedure doesn’t involve the serious complications that Jennifer Huculak experienced. The price tag for this type of care varies widely — by up to tens of thousands of dollars — depending on which hospital you decide to go to. But the cost fluctuations are seemingly random, since high prices for childbirth services don’t correlate with a higher quality of care for American mothers.
Ironically, the Huculaks hail from the Canadian province that was the first region of their country to implement universal, publicly-funded health care. They say they’re now trying to decide if they should fight Blue Cross over their bill or declare bankruptcy.
Abby Martin speaks with Taylor Lincoln, Director of Research at Public Citizen’s Congressional Watch Division about a new report detailing how Google is invading users privacies and becoming the most powerful and influential political force in Washington.
Drury Hotels25 miles southwest of Ferguson Parking Gargage
“Why are all the cop cars here…I wonder if it has anything to do with Ferguson,” his Facebook status read. Paffrath also included #Ferguson #NoJusticeNoPeace, News Now added.
Drury Plaza Hotel in Chesterfield is about 25 miles southwest of Ferguson where protests erupted since Darren Wilson, a white police officer, fatally shot Michael Brown, a black 18-year-old in August. A grand jury is expected to announce its decision any day on whether Wilson will be indicted — and many are concerned about more unrest should the decision be no.
Shortly after arriving to work on Friday, Paffrath told News Now he was called into the office of hotel general manager Jeff Barker and told to remove the photos and video. Paffrath did — and then finished his shift.
But just 30 minutes after Paffrath arrived to work Saturday, Jim Bohnert, director of security for Drury Hotels Company, told Paffrath he had been fired, News Now reported. His Facebook posts apparently cost the hotel chain a $150,000 contract with the Department of Homeland Security, the outlet added.
As if that wasn’t enough, Paffrath also claimed Bohnert told him, ”[Y]ou’re a terrorist and you have dishonorably served your country by posting the photos and video.”
When Paffrath told Bohnert he never put the location of the vehicles on the photos or the video, Bohnert reportedly said “all they have to do is click on your name and see where you work.” Paffrath said Bohnert concluded their conversation by saying “if you repost the photos and video you will have the federal government knocking on your door and you will be incarcerated.”
But it appears Paffrath didn’t take Bohnert’s advice. His Facebook timeline shows that on Saturday he reposted at least the two photos.
Paffrath, a U.S. Navy veteran who served in the Middle East before coming home to the St. Louis area, didn’t seem too fazed by all that had happened. He had this to say on his Facebook page Saturday:
I’ve spent the past few years tirelessly writing about the music industry’s deplorable portrayal of Black people. I’ve verbally attacked record companies, radio stations, TV networks, and executives who profit from Black death and dysfunction. I’ve harshly criticized rappers like Nicki Minaj, 2 Chainz, YG, and Rick Ross for glorifying crime, sex, drugs, violence, and general ignorance. I’ve gone after clueless bloggers and hipsters for praising the very worst that rap has to offer. I’ve watched an industry blossom from the exploitation of the most vile and obscene racial stereotypes imaginable and openly accused it of promoting a covert white supremacist agenda. I’ve called out media conglomerates for their proven connection to the private prison industrial complex. I’ve been vocal and unapologetically determined to expose the industry for what I’m convinced is a deliberate attempt to dumb down generations of unsuspecting listeners. I’ve gained friends, supporters, and allies but also made a few foes in the process. And although it’s become increasingly difficult to say something I haven’t already said in past articles or interviews, as long as the industry keeps pushing its propaganda, I’ll continue speaking out against it. For every person who’s heard my arguments a hundred times before, there’s someone else hearing it for the first time.
Throughout this amazing journey, I’ve observed how strategically wicked “the enemy” really is. I’ve watched how this industry seduces young impressionable artists at their most vulnerable, builds them up with false hope, manipulates them to think they’re in control, and discards them when they no longer serve a purpose. It happened to Chief Keef and Trinidad James, it’s happening to Bobby Shmurda now, and it will probably happen to Columbia Records’ latest acquisition, 23 year-old female rapper Dej Loaf whose radio hit “Try Me” has her killing entire families and rapping lines like “I really hate n****s, I’m a Nazi”. After years of indoctrinating the masses to view Black men as criminals and animals, an image that has undoubtedly shaped the George Zimmermans and Darren Wilsons of the world, the music industry has turned it up a notch by promoting this young Black woman as a psychopath and murderer. With co-signs from Drake, E-40, T.I, and Wiz Khalifa who are either blind to the industry’s racial exploitation or mere forgiving beneficiaries, where does an inexperienced artist like Dej Loaf turn to for wisdom and guidance? Besides Erykah Badu who called Dej to offer advice, who will pull this young sister to the side and warn her of what is likely to happen after her short-lived fame fades into oblivion? Who will stand up for her humanity, her soul, and her dignity as a woman…as a Black woman? No one in the industry will…unless it offends white sensibilities. Who can forget how quickly Snoop apologizedfor making fun of Iggy Azalea after T.I. stepped in to defend the honor of his artist? No such pressure from the industry ever prompted Snoop or his peers to offer this swift of an apology for the way Black women have been portrayed through commercial rap in the last 20 years.
A few days ago, Nicki Minaj released the video for “Only”, an animated short that incorporates what many have called Nazi imagery due to its military theme, swastika-styled Young Money logo, SS-like soldiers, and Nicki playing the role of the ruthless dictator. Although there were no literal mentions of Nazis or Hitler, the sensitive nature of the video elicited countless complaints from fans and a public statement from the Anti Defamation League condemning the video. Nicki immediately issued an apology via Twitter and explained that she would never intentionally promote Nazism. Far from being the first to apologize for offensive content, artists ranging from Micheal Jackson to Kanye West have been censored or pressured to change their lyrics as to not offend various groups including Jews, 9/11 survivors, and white people in general. In the meantime, Bobby Shmurda shares celebratory tales of Black on Black murder via a boardroom performance attended by the mostly white staff of Epic Records and its proud “papa bear”, chairman and CEO, L.A. Reid.
Former BET executive and founder of RapRehab, Paul Porter has a long history of media activism. The outspoken industry veteran has gone head to head with high profile decision-makers and spearheaded many successful initiatives designed to hold media accountable. Rick Ross, Lil’ Wayne, BET, and the Oxygen Network are just a few of those who have succumbed to Paul’s demands. “Programmers and record labels have a bad case of amnesia,” he says. “They want us to believe that content has no effect on the audience they covet. Millions spent on promotion and advertising is common sense evidence that content matters.” Never one to hold his tongue, Porter concludes, “it’s sad. Even some child molesters admit they’re sick.”
At the end of the day, no matter how many protests, movements, boycotts, and public outrage denouncing the music industry’s depiction of Black people have occurred in the past 2 decades, none of them have made a significant impact. The industry just doesn’t give a shit about Black people unless they’re entertaining the masses. But can we really expect industry execs to apologize for turning the criminalization of Black people into a billion dollar business when so many artists are willingly dancing to their own demise?
