Friday, July 31, 2015
Tuesday, July 28, 2015
Pic was taken in the break area of Adams Mark Hotel in KC. The doll's noose is a small plastic trash bag.
Cincinnati Police Chief Jeffrey Blackwell said he's seen the unreleased footage from a University of Cincinnati officer's body camera during last week's fatal shooting and "it's not good."Here's the City Manager..."The video is not good," Blackwell said. "I think the city manager has said that also publicly. I'll leave it there."
City Manager Harry Black also spoke about the unreleased body camera video of the shooting.In 2001, after local police killed a man named Timothy Thomas, unrest broke out across the city."It's not a good situation," Black said. "It's a tragic situation, someone has died that did not necessarily need to die."
“To quote the family, ‘We don’t want another Timothy Thomas situation,'” said Pastor Ennis Tait, of the Church of the Living God. “They’ve said that and that’s their heart. They don’t want the city to be turned upside down and that issue to be attached to their brother’s life.”The Police Chief is already calling for peace....
“We're concerned clearly. We're concerned about what could happen in our city. We're hopeful that the people of this great city are reminded that we do things right and that even when an officer may have done something inappropriate that it will be dealt with in an appropriate fashion,” Blackwell said.
But here's the thing.
All studies indicate that in nearly 99% of instances of police killing someone, even in the most egregious circumstances, "something appropriate" doesn't actually happen and officers are let off.
Let's keep pushing for the release of this video. We must never assume that justice will happen on its own, but must fight for it daily.
Monday, July 27, 2015
The African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955--1968) refers to the social movements in the United States aimed at outlawing racial discrimination against black Americans and restoring voting rights to them. This article covers the phase of the movement between 1955 and 1968, particularly in the South. The emergence of the Black Power Movement, which lasted roughly from 1966 to 1975, enlarged the aims of the Civil Rights Movement to include racial dignity, economic and political self-sufficiency, and freedom from oppression by white Americans.
The movement was characterized by major campaigns of civil resistance. Between 1955 and 1968, acts of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience produced crisis situations between activists and government authorities. Federal, state, and local governments, businesses, and communities often had to respond immediately to these situations that highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans. Forms of protest and/or civil disobedience included boycotts such as the successful Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955--1956) in Alabama; "sit-ins" such as the influential Greensboro sit-ins (1960) in North Carolina; marches, such as the Selma to Montgomery marches (1965) in Alabama; and a wide range of other nonviolent activities.
Noted legislative achievements during this phase of the Civil Rights Movement were passage of Civil Rights Act of 1964, that banned discrimination based on "race, color, religion, or national origin" in employment practices and public accommodations; the Voting Rights Act of 1965, that restored and protected voting rights; the Immigration and Nationality Services Act of 1965, that dramatically opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional European groups; and the Fair Housing Act of 1968, that banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. African Americans re-entered politics in the South, and across the country young people were inspired to action.
Desegregation busing in the United States (also known as forced busing or simply busing) is the practice of assigning and transporting students to schools in such a manner as to redress prior racial segregation of schools, or to overcome the effects of residential segregation on local school demographics.
According to family members, Ralkina Jones was arrested on Friday after she had an argument with her husband. Her body was found Sunday.
Ralkina Jones, 37, of Cleveland was found dead in a Cleveland Heights jail over the weekend.
Ralkina Jones, 37, of Cleveland was found dead in a Cleveland Heights jail over the weekend.
According to family members who spoke withCBS 5, she was arrested on Friday after having an argument with her husband at his job.
Jones' body was found Sunday, and police are investigating the incident. According to the Cuyahoga County Medical Examiner's Office, an autopsy is scheduled for Monday.
This story will be updated as more information becomes available.
Sunday, July 26, 2015
On 19 June 2015, a Department of Justice (DOJ) spokesman confirmed to Reuters that the agency would “fast track the sending of $29 million to South Carolina” to the families of the victims of the 17 June 2015 Charleston church shooting. The news was reported in an article that was exceptionally brief at two sentences long:
An unspecified portion of the money, allocated under the government’s national Crime Victim Assistance Formula Grant program, can be used to provide services to the families of victims of the shootings at Emmanuel AME Church, spokesman Kevin Lewis said.
In the immediate aftermath of the shooting the news initially drew little attention, but on 1 July 2015 the web site NewsMax publicized the Reuters article and built upon the scant information it provided. In the NewsMax article, titled “Obama OKs, Expedites Huge $29M Payout to Agencies Assisting Charleston Victims,” the “payout” was likened to similar funds disbursed to affected locations after mass shootings in Aurora, Colorado and Newtown, Connecticut.
NewsMax compared the dollar amount cited with prior DOJ press releases issued between seven months and a year after three separate mass casualty incidents, making it unclear whether immediate assistance had been dispatched to victims of the earlier attacks, or if the “payouts” referenced were funds earmarked for that purpose but paid out later:
The announcement regarding the Sandy Hook payout came a year after the shooting; the Aurora announcement occurred seven months after that shooting; and the Boston payout announcement came nine months after the bombing.The Reuters story announcing the Charleston payout came just two days after the shooting.
With NewsMax providing no information above and beyond the comment obtained by Reuters from the Justice Department, many social media users interpreted their article as evidence that the victims of the Charleston shooting had received preferential treatment compared to other victims of mass shooting incidents and their families:
Saturday, July 25, 2015
Friday, July 24, 2015
Do you have any idea how manufactured our reality is? Can you even handle the truth?
The Chattanooga shooting inspired an influential former general to call for internment camps for thought radicals. Pretty outrageous, I know. Imagine how sinister that agenda would be if the Chattanooga shooting is proven to be a scripted hoax?
YouTube researchers MattyD 4 Truth and PROVE ME WRONG have uncovered records that appear to show at least one of the Chattanooga victims died years before the latest "mass shooter" media event. (See video below)
The establishment media is running dramatic stories of Lance Corporal Skip Wells' last words to his girlfriend, but perhaps those last words were spoken in 2004.
A strikingly similar looking Marine Lance Corporal Larry L. Wells was reported to have been killed in Iraq in 2004, according to Washington Post'sFaces of the Fallen. Screenshot saved below in case they remove the page.
Even creepier, the guy in the photo identified as Larry Wells in 2004 and Skip Wells in 2015 also seems to be a guest with Bill O'Reilly to talk about the event! Maybe they're just lookalikes?
The corporate media was immediately on script for the Chattanooga shooting event like many others that follow the exact same plot line. Stop me if you've heard this one:
A lone wolf radicalized on the Internet, hopped up on SSRIs but still somehow an expert marksman not seen since Rambo (seriously there are never any survivors). Shooter has almost no social media trail except convenient manifestos that highlight all of the ideologies the controllers want to snuff out. And don't forget the emotionless actors...Then the solution meme is always the same: "You're in danger, give up your rights, give us more authority and resources to protect you, you need us, you really need us, more arms for authorities less for free people."
An official figure goes on national TV to provide the detailed agenda, like General Wesley Clark did by announcing the national policy solution that he hopes other nations will adopt too:
If these people are radicalized, and they don't support the United States, and they're disloyal to the United States, as a matter of principle, fine, that's their right, but it's our (the government's) right and our obligation to segregate them from the normal community for the duration of the conflict.This phony shooting story has already resulted in orders to arm the National Guard in various states and more hysterical calls to crack down on online radicalization. Probably much more to come too.
YouTuber MattyD also points to a 2009 Washington Post story featuring an image of the grave site sharing the same name of another alleged Chattanooga victim, Marine Sergeant Thomas J. Sullivan. The story refers to his family starting a D.C. area nonprofit called Sergeant Sullivan Center in his honor. But the ages and images of the 2009 Thomas Sullivan don't match with the Chattanooga victim, and it's quite a common name.
Nevertheless, it's becoming obvious to anyone who pays attention to the news that many of these hyped shooting events appear to have the same shady characteristics and the same results -- politicians clamoring for more authority to act against thought criminals.
Wednesday, July 22, 2015
When Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker announced his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination on July 13, he peppered his 34-minute speech with a laundry list of deeply conservative policy prescriptions. Among them was a requirement — much like the one in the state budget he signed less than 24 hours before the event — that welfare recipients pass a drug test before collecting public assistance benefits.
"In Wisconsin, we enacted a program that says that adults who are able to work must be enrolled in one of our job training programs before they can get a welfare check," he said. "Now, as of the budget I just signed, we are also making sure they can take a drug test."
The Republican romance with legislation meant to complicate the process of delivering aid to low-income residents or, as critics argue, defame and shame them, can be traced back to 2009. In November of that year, newly arrived GOP Gov. Jan Brewer of Arizona announced that the cash-strapped state would begin testing adults if the state had "reasonable cause" to believe they were getting high.
"We don't want people who are abusing drugs to be on welfare," GOP state Rep. John Kavanagh told the Arizona Republic in 2009, "because that means that the taxpayers are subsidizing and facilitating illegal drug use."
But an examination of Arizona's experiment reveals a flawed policy that has failed to accomplish its stated goal. Instead of saving the state money, it's cost taxpayers millions of dollars while doing little more than further stigmatizing poverty and marginalizing the poor.
The results are thin: According to USA Today, Arizona tested more than 87,000 welfare recipients in the three years after the program began. The total number of drug cheats caught was exactly one — a single positive result, which saved the state precisely $560.
Checking in again in March, the Arizona Sonora News Service cited state Department of Economic Security figures which found that over the course of more than five years, "42 people have been asked to take a follow-up drug test and 19 actually took the test, 16 of whom passed. The other 23 were stripped of their benefits for failing to take the drug test."
That adds up to a grand total of three failed tests from 2009-2014. The net savings reaped from withholding benefits for those who either tested positive or failed to complete a drug test was around $3,500, once the $500 cost of testing the 19 is factored in, according to one state agency report. The haul is shockingly unimpressive when you consider the $1.7 million in savings state officials promised when they began the program.
Lesson learned? Not quite.
Since Arizona enacted its drug testing programs, at least six more states have implemented similar measures. In 2012, Utah began its own, which, according to the Daily Beast, nabbed 12 of 466 people tested at a cost to the state of $25,000.
Earlier this year, a report on Tennessee's program found that 37 out of 16,017 tested had failed — precisely 0.23% of recipients. In Florida, where the practice has been repeatedly challenged in the courts, Republican Gov. Rick Scott announced in March that he would not submit any further appeals on behalf of a law ruled unconstitutional by two federal courts. In rejecting the state's claim in December 2014, the justices for the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals found that during the nearly four months the law was in effect, "4,046 applicants submitted to drug testing. Only 108 — 2.67% — tested positive for drug use."
Despite these ugly results, and the unflattering social implications of drug testing ostensibly innocent men and women, one of the measure's initial proponents remains, at worst, ambivalent.
"You can look at it two ways: If you want to be a pessimist, you say it's failed. If you want to be an optimist, it's a strong deterrent and they're not using drugs," Kavanagh, one of the Arizona policy's early supporters, toldthe Arizona Sonora News Service in March. "I don't know which is true."
Walker goes further: In the budget Walker approved a day before announcing his candidacy, the Wisconsin governor signed off on a provision that would expand the drug-testing regime by removing the need for "reasonable suspicion" of drug abuse for state beneficiaries and opening up food stamp recipients to similar scrutiny. There is, however, one small problem: Federal law forbids it.
Knowing this, Walker has already filed suit against the government, seeking "clarification" of and, presumably, an avenue to defy the existing statute. At least one administration official has already dismissed the move as a political charade.
"Gov. Walker hasn't read the law," U.S. Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack told the Huffington Post on July 15. "It's always a good idea before you start litigation to understand what the law is."
Though Walker's legislation may be doomed, the ensuing fight should offer a boost to his presidential aspirations. The image of the governor as a relentless warrior against social welfare programs and other sacred cows of American liberal politics has enlivened him to the conservative voters who dominate the party's nominating contest.
Whatever comes of Walker's political future, the people of Wisconsin — who have elected him three times in the past five years — are locked in to an undeniably wasteful and socially damaging policy. Just ask Arizona.